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Russian trace of political “Artek case”: who is Artem Degtiarov and why the initiators still not found

More than 10 years old political case may today’s to spill light by what hands in Ukraine were created political scandals , and who was behind it .

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Investigation of the political case “Artek”: who is Artem Degtiarov and why the initiators were never found

A criminal case 10 years ago can today shed light on whose hands political scandals were created in Ukraine, and who was behind it.

In October 2009, deputy Vadim Kolesnichenko (from the then faction of the Party of Regions) published information about the alleged rape of children in the Artek children’s camp, in which people’s deputies and camp workers were involved, starting the so-called “Artek case”. The stepfather of the children-victims, the editor-in-chief of the Artek magazine Dmitry Polyukhovich , the general director of the camp, the head physician, one priest and one deputy from the BYuT faction fell under the charges . The media also mentioned the possible involvement of several other deputies from other factions in the case. The case went on for more than two years and received high-profile publicity during the presidential election campaign. The defendants denied any involvement in the incident.

The end point in the case, which has shocked Ukraine for more than two years, was set in 2011, when the Central Office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs issued a decision to close the case due to lack of corpus delicti.

This scandal affected not only the image of deputies and political parties such as BYuT and NUNS, but also the main candidate for the presidency – Yulia Tymoshenko. However, Dmitry Polyukhovich suffered the most from this case – the stepfather of the victims, whom the investigation accused of rape. After the case was closed, Polyukhovich wrote the book Corrupted by Power, in which he outlined all the events of the pedophile scandal and his conclusions. He is still trying through the courts to find the customers of the scandal and identify the real defendants, but the case is hindered from year to year.

Obviously, the Artek case had a clear Russian footprint and was aimed at supporting the pro-Russian candidate in the presidential elections in Ukraine in 2010 – Viktor Yanukovych, as well as at discrediting his opponent Yulia Tymoshenko. The second round of elections ended with the victory of Yanukovych with a score of 48.95%, probably also due to this scandal .

Subsequently, reports began to appear in the media that Boris Berezovsky was one of the customers of the scandal, which confirmed the information about the Russian order. However, who was the performer? The well-known lawyer Tatyana Montyan , who is currently considered a traitor to Ukraine and has long been in Russia, took up the defense of the victims. And the main information engine of the process, which organized press conferences and positioned itself not only as a lawyer and journalist, but also as a partner of the mother of the victims, was Artem Degtiarov.

Dmitry Polyukhovich in his book calls Artem Degtiarov the main executor of the political order, behind which stood Berezovsky. Degtiarov, according to the author, put constant pressure on the investigation and the accused, using his connections and money, and also threatened them. In an interview, Polyukhovich describes Degtiarov’s methods of work : “I am a representative of Berezovsky. I have money and connections … I will roll you into asphalt and no one, and nothing will help you!

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Photo – Artem Degtiarov

Artem Degtiarov is a former Russian journalist who previously headed Novosti Ukrainy (then RIA Novosti in Ukraine) and had direct ties to Russia. It was after the scandal that he became the owner of a large fortune and overseas real estate. Degtiarov has registered several companies, including London-based AIR JUSTICE LTD, which specializes in blacklisting. On the website of this company with the commercial name Blacklist aero notes that its activity is to control unscrupulous companies that refuse to pay debts for airport fees, pay bills for ground handling, refueling and other related services.

According to available information, this company is just a cover for the usual extortion collection activity, as well as other fraudulent and illegal activity schemes, including conventional threats, targeted information attacks , moral pressure, blackmail, intimidation and physical harm against debtors and owners and top manager of other companies. Some of these methods may not be acceptable in Britain, but in Ukraine and a number of other countries Degtiarov is already known for his corresponding “reputation”. In fact, you can read about it “between the lines” and on the website of the Blacklist company itself. aero .

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This indicates that Artem Degtiarov, who has been actively engaged in collection activities in Ukraine and abroad for a long time, probably still has influential Russian curators and “defenders” in Ukrainian pro-government offices. After all, how else can one explain the impunity of such work? Perhaps he knows who was the customer, as well as other direct executors of the political case “Artek”.

However, interest in Degtiarov began to grow among the law enforcement agencies of Ukraine and the SBU. After all, it was in the conditions of military aggression that “old cases” were taken out to identify agents who had been working for Russia for a long time. Perhaps that is why, since the beginning of the war, Degtiarov has been in no hurry to return from London to Ukraine…

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Hire a Nursing assignment helper online in Australia

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Four years later, Putin is still paying for his Ukraine war mistakes

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WASHINGTON DC – This past week marks the fourth anniversary of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, an event that has cast a shadow over international relations for much of his time in office and tested the strength of Western unity. The crisis began on February 22, 2014, when masked gunmen seized administrative buildings in Crimea, prompting Russian troops to begin occupying the region and leading to Russia’s formal annexation five days later. The following month, armed men seized government buildings in several cities in eastern Ukraine, sparking violence between Russian-backed separatists and government forces that left more than 9,000 dead.

What they used to say about him

Russian President Vladimir Putin is one of the most controversial figures in modern history. He’s both praised and vilified. His aggression against Georgia in 2008 marked the first time since World War II that a Western country had attacked a sovereign European state.

What a lot of people forget though is that in August 2014, he saved Europe from an imminent gas cutoff and economic disaster by throwing Russia’s full weight behind Kyiv and declaring himself on the side of all those struggling against fascism, totalitarianism and xenophobia. I remember it well – I was at Maidan Square with Yanukovych fleeing.

Today we ask ourselves how could it have been that he saved us in 2014 and now we’ve brought him to a point of no return? Not everything is that simple. Putin was misled into believing that Euromaidan was nothing more than a neo-fascist coup attempt and it’s no wonder – even I would have fallen for that one back then.

We asked him to forgive us… – Second Paragraph: We actually wrote a public letter asking Vladimir Vladimirovich to forgive us and gave it to every Russian diplomat and member of parliament, as well as members of European Parliament with good relations with Russia. The response from official Moscow was cool at best.

How he could recover

With nearly a decade of Western sanctions in place and the ruble near an all-time low, there seems to be no end in sight. But if Russia wants to get back on its feet and mend relations with the West it needs a plan. It’s possible that by showing some willingness to compromise and easing sanctions Putin could convince the EU to do away with penalties targeting certain sectors of Russia’s economy. If they play their cards right, Putin may even secure enough funds from this agreement to shore up those reeling from declining ruble values. There’s never been more pressure on President Vladimir Putin than he has today after four years of waging his bloody campaign in Syria.

But those who want to see Russia move forward must hold their noses and put politics aside for a moment. Getting into bed with Putin may be distasteful and could go against everything they believe in, but it may just be what Russia needs to get back on its feet. In order to succeed, Putin would need to do more than simply ease sanctions – he’d need to right some of his wrongs and show a willingness to compromise. We may have lost all hope in him by now, but if there’s one thing he can’t afford it’s more broken promises.

What happens next

While Russians believe that the annexation of Crimea was the pinnacle achievement of Vladimir Putin’s time in office, this act has come at a cost to him. All along, the Russian leader has carefully cultivated an image as a strongman who can restore Russia’s former glory, but even before he sent troops to eastern Ukraine and bolstered Crimea’s defenses, there were already signs that many Russians were turning away from him. The pension reform this summer that sought to raise the retirement age alienated many ordinary Russians with no public sector benefits. Dissatisfaction led to widespread protests in dozens of cities across Russia and gave fresh fodder to those criticizing corruption at the top levels of government.

On April 4, Russia will celebrate four years since its annexation of Crimea. The poll by state-run VTsIOM found that 43 percent of Russians thought it was an achievement to be proud of. But 35 percent disagreed and 17 percent weren’t sure either way. These numbers are a stark contrast to what polls said about Russian attitudes toward Crimea during its initial annexation in March 2014: In one survey conducted just weeks after Russian troops moved into Ukrainian territory and Russian-backed rebels seized several key locations across eastern Ukraine, VTsIOM found that 86 percent of Russians considered it an achievement to be proud of and just 3 percent did not.

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Things to Consider before Consigning Your Art

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Consigning Art

Art isn’t exactly a commodity; it’s unique. Everyone has different tastes and values. If fellows are artists, consigning art is an excellent way to get exposure and collect a profit on the pieces they find challenging to sell.

Canada is the second largest country, encompassing nearly two-fifths of North America’s continent. Its three most populous cities are Vancouver, Toronto, and Montreal. In this widely spread country, art consignments form a trend that depicts how much Canadian fine arts or contemporary arts are appreciated here.

Read on to know the basic things one should consider before consigning one’s work.

Price and Authenticity

The price of your work is one of the most crucial things to consider when selling those with a consignment agent. Auctions typically start low and end high, so it’s difficult for an artist whose work is comparatively new or unknown to get top dollar for their artwork at auction. If you want more money, selling through an online platform might be right for you.

If you are new to consigning, remember to check the authenticity of your consignor. You can do this by checking online reviews, researching their previous auctions, and exploring their official websites to check the benefits they provide to the artists.

Commission Rate

The commission rate is how much you will earn for each creative piece sold. If you’re selling several pieces at a time or if there are many different types in your inventory, it may be possible to negotiate with them on lowering their standard commission rate.

It’s always good practice to check out other galleries’ websites before setting up an appointment with the first, so you can get an idea of their policies and how much they charge for their auction services.

If possible, discuss with your fellow experienced artists to get an idea of how much commission your creativity deserves.

Check the Agreement

To get the best out of your work consignments, consider the following things in the agreement:

  • The contract should include a minimum and maximum value for your art and the date by which you can sell it (if this is specified).
  • Check the time limit for contract expiration. Ensure that the contract has an expiration date so that both parties know when they must deliver their end of the bargain to move forward with a sale or consignment agreement.
  • Verify the date by which payment must be made. This is essential, and if verified after a while, one might keep you waiting for a long due payment.
  • Also, discuss with your consignor about the insurance and security of the artwork. Check the policies in case the art is damaged on their end.

Shipping and Collection

When you consign your art, it’s essential to consider the cost of shipping and insurance. They will handle the shipping if you’re consigning at a gallery. But if you’re doing it with an online platform, you might need to ship your pieces yourself.

Art consignments can be challenging for new artists, so the shipping guidelines should be well-versed. However, you can rest assured with reliable companies that excel in buying, selling and managing valuable items.

Bottomline

With this article, you’ll be able to make an informed conclusion about art consignments. If you decide to give your art for consignment, remember that it’s essential to keep an eye on the contract terms and expiration date, so they stay the same.

You should also ensure that there are no hidden fees or other costs when selling artwork through a consignment shop—and if any problems arise during the transaction process, make sure they have enough insurance coverage.

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